Russia could supply Su-30 or Su-35 fighter jets to Sudan over Red Sea naval base rights
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Sudan has reportedly renewed talks with Russia to acquire Su-30 or Su-35 fighter jets to counter the Rapid Support Forces’ advances, which coincide with Moscow’s push for a naval base in the Red Sea.
According to Military Africa on November 19, 2025, Sudan has renewed talks with Russia to acquire Su-30 or Su-35 fighter jets as the Sudanese Armed Forces attempt to counter the Rapid Support Forces’ advances and replace combat aircraft lost early in the civil war. The negotiations also appear to be linked to Russia’s long-standing effort to secure a Red Sea naval base, creating a procurement process shaped by both operational needs and strategic concessions.Follow Army Recognition on Google News at this link
Sudan wants the Su-30 or Su-35 fighters to regain a strike capacity against the Rapid Support Forces, while Russia could tie these negotiations to a strategic opportunity to anchor a permanent naval foothold in the Red Sea. (Picture source: Vitaly Kuzmin)
Sudanese Armed Forces have revived their bid to acquire Sukhoi fighter jets from Russia in an effort to halt the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) advances and restore an Air Force that was heavily degraded during the civil war. This renewed push to obtain Su-30 or Su-35 fighters follows a series of battlefield setbacks, including the fall of El Fasher, and comes as Port Sudan’s leadership seeks ways to counter the Rapid Support Forces’ growing firepower and mobility. The potential deal is widely understood to be linked to Russia’s long-standing ambition to secure a naval facility on the Red Sea, with the acquisition of 4+ generation jets and the establishment of a logistics base now forming the core of a single high-stakes negotiation. At the same time, Sudan’s limited defence budget and war-damaged economy make conventional financing for such aircraft almost impossible, increasing the likelihood that any acquisition would be tied to significant political and strategic concessions that extend far beyond the immediate conflict.
The search for new fighters takes place against a background of heavy attrition and structural weaknesses within Sudan’s existing air force, which was sharply reduced in the opening weeks of fighting in April 2023. The Rapid Support Forces’ special units successfully carried out surprise raids on critical airfields such as Merowe, destroying or capturing several MiG-29 fighters on the ground and depriving the Sudanese Air Force (SAF) of some of its most capable assets. Since then, the SAF has relied mainly on older Soviet-era Su-25 ground attack aircraft, Su-24M bombers, and a mix of Chinese-built aircraft, all of which suffer from aging airframes and uncertain serviceability. At the same time, the RSF has improved its own air defence strategy, making intensive use of man-portable air defence systems and reportedly fielding more sophisticated mobile systems supplied by Wagner-linked structures. In early August 2025, additional pressure on the SAF operations emerged when Chinese FK-2000 short-range air defence systems and FB-10A missiles were reportedly delivered to the Rapid Support Forces via Chad, further complicating any attempt by the Sudanese Air Force to operate with freedom over Darfur and Kordofan.
Within this deteriorating military balance, the Sudanese Armed Forces have drawn up what has been described as a 4+ generation shopping list built around multirole fighters that would provide both air superiority and deep-strike options. The main candidates are Russia’s Su-30 and Su-35, with an additional interest in China’s J-10 as an alternative. The Su-30, a two-seat multirole derivative of the Su-27, is known for its long endurance, heavy payload, and ability to conduct all-weather air-to-air and air-to-surface missions, and current Su-30 variants combine powerful radar, extensive fuel capacity, and the possibility of aerial refuelling to achieve ranges beyond 3,000 km. The Su-35, a more recent development of the Su-27, is generally seen as a 4.5-generation air superiority fighter that incorporates technology from the Su-57 program, with a redesigned cockpit, upgraded weapons control system, and thrust-vectoring engines that support high-g manoeuvres and so-called supermaneuverability. For Sudan, either fighter jet would represent a significant qualitative leap, giving the ability to carry out operations to strike the Rapid Support Forces’ supply routes, command posts, and logistical hubs at a considerable distance from Sudanese government centres of control.
On the other hand, the Su-35 traces its origins to the Su-27M program of the late 1980s, which introduced canards, a strengthened airframe, and a multi-function radar that for the first time gave the Flanker series a genuine multirole capability, while later prototypes evolved into the Su-37 technology demonstrator with thrust-vectoring engines. In the early 2000s, Sukhoi launched a deep modernization of the Su-27 that removed the canards, lightened the airframe, and introduced the AL-41F1S turbofan engine with thrust vectoring, which, combined with an advanced digital fly-by-wire system, allows 9 g manoeuvres, limited supercruise above Mach 1.1, and post-stall manoeuvres at low speed. One of the latest variants, the Su-35S, is equipped with the Irbis-E passive electronically scanned array radar reportedly able to detect aerial targets at distances up to about 400 km, track dozens of targets simultaneously, and guide missiles against several of them, while an OLS-35 infrared search and track system, L175M Khibiny-M electronic warfare suite, and radar-absorbent treatments on engine inlets are intended to reduce detection and improve survivability. With 12 external hardpoints and a maximum weapons load of around 8,000 kg, this fighter jet can carry a wide range of air-to-air missiles, anti-ship missiles such as P-800 Oniks, and guided bombs from the KAB-500 and KAB-1500 series.
The Su-35S entered Russian service in the 2010s following an initial order for 48 units, and by December 2022, the Russian Aerospace Forces possessed around 110 aircraft, later increased by subsequent deliveries in 2023, 2024, and 2025. Russian Su-35S fighters have been deployed in Syria since 2016, where they escorted bombers, intercepted foreign aircraft, and experimented with weapons employment. They have also been used for air superiority missions in the war in Ukraine, where several air-to-air victories have been claimed but where multiple airframes have also been lost due to Ukrainian, Russian, or technical causes. China became the first export customer in 2015 with a contract for 24 aircraft that were delivered between 2016 and 2018, while Algeria and Iran have repeatedly been associated with plans to buy Su-35s, sometimes linked to the reallocation of airframes originally intended for Egypt. Russia has also promoted the aircraft or its derivatives to countries including India, Turkey, Vietnam, and the United Arab Emirates, with varying degrees of progress. At the same time, several prospective contracts, such as those with Egypt and Indonesia, have been hindered or cancelled in part due to sanctions concerns, budget constraints, and competition with other fighter jets, mostly Western.
In November 2017, Sudanese media and Al Arabiya English reported that Sudan had become the first Arab state to acquire Su-35 fighters from Russia ahead of President Omar al-Bashir’s visit to Moscow, describing the aircraft as forming a backbone of Russian air superiority forces and announcing that an unspecified number of jets had been delivered. Statements from the Sudanese deputy air force commander at the time presented the deal as a contribution to consolidating Sudan’s defences and protecting the country from potential threats, while officials such as the vice president of the Foreign Relations Committee in the National Assembly and the former minister of state of foreign affairs emphasised their intention to deepen ties with Russia in mining, oil, advanced security industries, and technology transfer. However, no Su-35s were ever visually confirmed in service, no precise figures were published, and those reports are now generally viewed as having been premature or inaccurate, even though they reflected a real political effort by Sudan to build its foreign relations based on perceived mutual interests with key partners such as Russia.
But, in 2025, Sudan clearly does not have the financial capacity to purchase Su-30 or Su-35 fighters through traditional arrangements, which makes strategic barter the only viable path. With Sudan’s annual defence budget estimated at around $500 million even before the war, a multi-billion-dollar procurement package would be out of reach without external assistance or compensating concessions. Russia has actively pursued an agreement for a logistics support facility at Port Sudan on the Red Sea since 2020, presenting it as a naval base that would enable access to warm waters, support long-range deployments, and reposition Russian maritime presence toward one of the world’s main sea lanes. The agreement stalled after Sudan’s 2021 coup and the outbreak of civil war, but recent statements by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan’s Assistant Commander-in-Chief, General Yassir al-Atta, indicate that the plan has been revived and explicitly associate Russian military support with the establishment of the Red Sea base. Acting foreign minister Ali Yusuf has also confirmed that Russian backing is part of a wider alliance that supports the Sudanese Armed Forces, reinforcing the impression that a potential jets-for-base arrangement is under consideration and that it would have implications not only for Sudan’s internal war but also for the neighbouring states concerned about new military infrastructure on the Red Sea.
Written by Jérôme Brahy
Jérôme Brahy is a defense analyst and documentalist at Army Recognition. He specializes in naval modernization, aviation, drones, armored vehicles, and artillery, with a focus on strategic developments in the United States, China, Ukraine, Russia, Türkiye, and Belgium. His analyses go beyond the facts, providing context, identifying key actors, and explaining why defense news matters on a global scale.
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Sudan has reportedly renewed talks with Russia to acquire Su-30 or Su-35 fighter jets to counter the Rapid Support Forces’ advances, which coincide with Moscow’s push for a naval base in the Red Sea.
According to Military Africa on November 19, 2025, Sudan has renewed talks with Russia to acquire Su-30 or Su-35 fighter jets as the Sudanese Armed Forces attempt to counter the Rapid Support Forces’ advances and replace combat aircraft lost early in the civil war. The negotiations also appear to be linked to Russia’s long-standing effort to secure a Red Sea naval base, creating a procurement process shaped by both operational needs and strategic concessions.
Follow Army Recognition on Google News at this link
Sudan wants the Su-30 or Su-35 fighters to regain a strike capacity against the Rapid Support Forces, while Russia could tie these negotiations to a strategic opportunity to anchor a permanent naval foothold in the Red Sea. (Picture source: Vitaly Kuzmin)
Sudanese Armed Forces have revived their bid to acquire Sukhoi fighter jets from Russia in an effort to halt the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) advances and restore an Air Force that was heavily degraded during the civil war. This renewed push to obtain Su-30 or Su-35 fighters follows a series of battlefield setbacks, including the fall of El Fasher, and comes as Port Sudan’s leadership seeks ways to counter the Rapid Support Forces’ growing firepower and mobility. The potential deal is widely understood to be linked to Russia’s long-standing ambition to secure a naval facility on the Red Sea, with the acquisition of 4+ generation jets and the establishment of a logistics base now forming the core of a single high-stakes negotiation. At the same time, Sudan’s limited defence budget and war-damaged economy make conventional financing for such aircraft almost impossible, increasing the likelihood that any acquisition would be tied to significant political and strategic concessions that extend far beyond the immediate conflict.
The search for new fighters takes place against a background of heavy attrition and structural weaknesses within Sudan’s existing air force, which was sharply reduced in the opening weeks of fighting in April 2023. The Rapid Support Forces’ special units successfully carried out surprise raids on critical airfields such as Merowe, destroying or capturing several MiG-29 fighters on the ground and depriving the Sudanese Air Force (SAF) of some of its most capable assets. Since then, the SAF has relied mainly on older Soviet-era Su-25 ground attack aircraft, Su-24M bombers, and a mix of Chinese-built aircraft, all of which suffer from aging airframes and uncertain serviceability. At the same time, the RSF has improved its own air defence strategy, making intensive use of man-portable air defence systems and reportedly fielding more sophisticated mobile systems supplied by Wagner-linked structures. In early August 2025, additional pressure on the SAF operations emerged when Chinese FK-2000 short-range air defence systems and FB-10A missiles were reportedly delivered to the Rapid Support Forces via Chad, further complicating any attempt by the Sudanese Air Force to operate with freedom over Darfur and Kordofan.
Within this deteriorating military balance, the Sudanese Armed Forces have drawn up what has been described as a 4+ generation shopping list built around multirole fighters that would provide both air superiority and deep-strike options. The main candidates are Russia’s Su-30 and Su-35, with an additional interest in China’s J-10 as an alternative. The Su-30, a two-seat multirole derivative of the Su-27, is known for its long endurance, heavy payload, and ability to conduct all-weather air-to-air and air-to-surface missions, and current Su-30 variants combine powerful radar, extensive fuel capacity, and the possibility of aerial refuelling to achieve ranges beyond 3,000 km. The Su-35, a more recent development of the Su-27, is generally seen as a 4.5-generation air superiority fighter that incorporates technology from the Su-57 program, with a redesigned cockpit, upgraded weapons control system, and thrust-vectoring engines that support high-g manoeuvres and so-called supermaneuverability. For Sudan, either fighter jet would represent a significant qualitative leap, giving the ability to carry out operations to strike the Rapid Support Forces’ supply routes, command posts, and logistical hubs at a considerable distance from Sudanese government centres of control.
On the other hand, the Su-35 traces its origins to the Su-27M program of the late 1980s, which introduced canards, a strengthened airframe, and a multi-function radar that for the first time gave the Flanker series a genuine multirole capability, while later prototypes evolved into the Su-37 technology demonstrator with thrust-vectoring engines. In the early 2000s, Sukhoi launched a deep modernization of the Su-27 that removed the canards, lightened the airframe, and introduced the AL-41F1S turbofan engine with thrust vectoring, which, combined with an advanced digital fly-by-wire system, allows 9 g manoeuvres, limited supercruise above Mach 1.1, and post-stall manoeuvres at low speed. One of the latest variants, the Su-35S, is equipped with the Irbis-E passive electronically scanned array radar reportedly able to detect aerial targets at distances up to about 400 km, track dozens of targets simultaneously, and guide missiles against several of them, while an OLS-35 infrared search and track system, L175M Khibiny-M electronic warfare suite, and radar-absorbent treatments on engine inlets are intended to reduce detection and improve survivability. With 12 external hardpoints and a maximum weapons load of around 8,000 kg, this fighter jet can carry a wide range of air-to-air missiles, anti-ship missiles such as P-800 Oniks, and guided bombs from the KAB-500 and KAB-1500 series.
The Su-35S entered Russian service in the 2010s following an initial order for 48 units, and by December 2022, the Russian Aerospace Forces possessed around 110 aircraft, later increased by subsequent deliveries in 2023, 2024, and 2025. Russian Su-35S fighters have been deployed in Syria since 2016, where they escorted bombers, intercepted foreign aircraft, and experimented with weapons employment. They have also been used for air superiority missions in the war in Ukraine, where several air-to-air victories have been claimed but where multiple airframes have also been lost due to Ukrainian, Russian, or technical causes. China became the first export customer in 2015 with a contract for 24 aircraft that were delivered between 2016 and 2018, while Algeria and Iran have repeatedly been associated with plans to buy Su-35s, sometimes linked to the reallocation of airframes originally intended for Egypt. Russia has also promoted the aircraft or its derivatives to countries including India, Turkey, Vietnam, and the United Arab Emirates, with varying degrees of progress. At the same time, several prospective contracts, such as those with Egypt and Indonesia, have been hindered or cancelled in part due to sanctions concerns, budget constraints, and competition with other fighter jets, mostly Western.
In November 2017, Sudanese media and Al Arabiya English reported that Sudan had become the first Arab state to acquire Su-35 fighters from Russia ahead of President Omar al-Bashir’s visit to Moscow, describing the aircraft as forming a backbone of Russian air superiority forces and announcing that an unspecified number of jets had been delivered. Statements from the Sudanese deputy air force commander at the time presented the deal as a contribution to consolidating Sudan’s defences and protecting the country from potential threats, while officials such as the vice president of the Foreign Relations Committee in the National Assembly and the former minister of state of foreign affairs emphasised their intention to deepen ties with Russia in mining, oil, advanced security industries, and technology transfer. However, no Su-35s were ever visually confirmed in service, no precise figures were published, and those reports are now generally viewed as having been premature or inaccurate, even though they reflected a real political effort by Sudan to build its foreign relations based on perceived mutual interests with key partners such as Russia.
But, in 2025, Sudan clearly does not have the financial capacity to purchase Su-30 or Su-35 fighters through traditional arrangements, which makes strategic barter the only viable path. With Sudan’s annual defence budget estimated at around $500 million even before the war, a multi-billion-dollar procurement package would be out of reach without external assistance or compensating concessions. Russia has actively pursued an agreement for a logistics support facility at Port Sudan on the Red Sea since 2020, presenting it as a naval base that would enable access to warm waters, support long-range deployments, and reposition Russian maritime presence toward one of the world’s main sea lanes. The agreement stalled after Sudan’s 2021 coup and the outbreak of civil war, but recent statements by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan’s Assistant Commander-in-Chief, General Yassir al-Atta, indicate that the plan has been revived and explicitly associate Russian military support with the establishment of the Red Sea base. Acting foreign minister Ali Yusuf has also confirmed that Russian backing is part of a wider alliance that supports the Sudanese Armed Forces, reinforcing the impression that a potential jets-for-base arrangement is under consideration and that it would have implications not only for Sudan’s internal war but also for the neighbouring states concerned about new military infrastructure on the Red Sea.
Written by Jérôme Brahy
Jérôme Brahy is a defense analyst and documentalist at Army Recognition. He specializes in naval modernization, aviation, drones, armored vehicles, and artillery, with a focus on strategic developments in the United States, China, Ukraine, Russia, Türkiye, and Belgium. His analyses go beyond the facts, providing context, identifying key actors, and explaining why defense news matters on a global scale.
