Canada Reconsiders Full U.S. F-35A Fleet As Swedish Gripen-E Fighter Offer Gains Ground
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Canada is reexamining its plan to buy 88 F-35A fighters after Sweden used a royal state visit to promote a Gripen E or F production and R&D hub in Canada. The debate now pits industrial and political incentives against warnings from former RCAF leaders that a mixed fleet could dilute combat power and strain a tight defense budget.
Canada’s fighter replacement program, long anchored on an order for 88 F-35A Lightning II jets under the Future Fighter Capability Project, has entered a new and politically charged phase, as reported by Newsweek. During a state visit to Ottawa by King Carl XVI Gustaf, Swedish officials and Saab executives pressed a structured proposal to meet part of Canada’s requirement with Gripen E or F aircraft assembled in the country, tied to sizable job-creation and technology transfer promises. According to those familiar with the discussions, the idea of a dual fleet is now being floated just as former Royal Canadian Air Force officers publicly urge Prime Minister Mark Carney’s government not to trim the F-35 buy or introduce a second fighter type that would require separate training, infrastructure, and logistics.Follow Army Recognition on Google News at this link
Top F-35A Lightning II, bottom JAS 39 Gripen E, the two fighters at the heart of Canada’s current debate. (Picture source: US DoD/Saab)
The industrial dimension is central to the push from Stockholm. Saab is offering not only an assembly line for the Gripen E in Canada, but a full manufacturing center and a research and development facility. Company executives claim this package could create between 9,000 and 10,000 jobs over three to five years, provided Ottawa commits to a substantial order. Canadian officials, however, note the gap between these projections and the Brazilian experience, where Saab’s assembly line employed roughly 200 personnel at its opening. Even so, the proposal appeals to segments of the Canadian aerospace sector, particularly at Bombardier, already a Saab partner on the GlobalEye airborne surveillance aircraft.
Sweden’s pitch is also tied to wider pressures on European defense production. With Kyiv signaling interest in as many as 150 Gripen E aircraft, Swedish officials have hinted that a Canadian line could help address demand. Saab’s leadership has countered that any such facility would require a firm Canadian order, underscoring that technology transfers and a new industrial footprint cannot proceed independently of procurement decisions.
The F-35A Lightning II remains Canada’s reference point for fifth-generation combat aviation. Its low-observable airframe, internal weapons carriage, and advanced sensor suite, including the AN/APG-81 active electronically scanned array radar, distributed electro-optical systems, and electronic warfare architecture, allow the aircraft to gather and fuse large volumes of data while reducing radar exposure. Powered by the Pratt & Whitney F135 engine, delivering around 40,000 pounds of thrust with afterburner, the F-35A offers high maneuverability and, depending on the profile, a combat radius exceeding 1,000 kilometers on internal fuel, enabling broad coverage of Arctic approaches without immediate tanker support.
The fighter’s core strength lies in connectivity. Secure data links provide real-time inputs to a shared Recognized Maritime Picture/Common Operational Picture, which is central to NORAD and NATO air operations. Under strict Emission Control, the F-35A can rely on passive sensors to generate targeting data, guide conventional fighters, and support medium-altitude long-endurance systems while remaining difficult to detect. For the RCAF, this role as a networked operational node remains an argument for completing the full 88-aircraft fleet.
The Gripen E offers a different design philosophy. Classified as a 4.5-generation aircraft, it is built for dispersed operations, short runways, and streamlined maintenance. The General Electric F414G engine provides roughly 22,000 pounds of thrust and solid performance at low altitude. The aircraft’s Raven ES-05 AESA radar, mounted on a swiveling plate, expands the pilot’s field of regard, while the infrared search and track system provides detection options that do not rely on emissions. The airframe supports multiple external hardpoints for fuel tanks and a wide range of air-to-air and precision-guided weapons, at the cost of a higher radar signature than the F-35A.
Saab has recently showcased new capabilities through its “Project Beyond.” Three test flights completed this year integrated the AI agent Centaur, developed by Helsing, into the Gripen E. The system assists the pilot by filtering sensor data, prioritizing threats, and managing mission workload. Saab argues this architecture will allow the Gripen to operate as a collaborative-combat platform alongside drones, external sensors, and future weapons.
The two options do not produce the same effects. An all-F-35 fleet would give the RCAF a coherent capability for first entry into defended airspace, collaborative battle management, and contribution to the Alliance’s information advantage, at the cost of strong dependence on specific stealth infrastructure and on the US support ecosystem. A mixed solution, in which Gripen aircraft would provide additional numbers, would increase patrol density, multiply forward operating bases, and offer a fighter that is easy to turn around in a crisis, especially for air policing and the protection of key sites in the North. However, duplicated training, stockpiles, and support chains would have to be absorbed in a tightening budgetary context.
Ottawa’s decision goes far beyond a simple F-35/Gripen comparison. Keeping the full initial order would extend the choice of a close alignment with the US industrial and strategic system, at a time when relations with the Trump administration are already strained. Opening the door to the Gripen would, on the contrary, deepen cooperation with a Sweden that is now a NATO member, offer new outlets to the Canadian Defense Industry, and potentially contribute to Europe’s rearmament effort, including for Ukraine. Ultimately, the way Canada chooses to allocate its 88 combat aircraft will say a great deal about how it balances alliances, industrial autonomy, and its role in collective security in the North Atlantic region.
{loadposition bannertop}
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Canada is reexamining its plan to buy 88 F-35A fighters after Sweden used a royal state visit to promote a Gripen E or F production and R&D hub in Canada. The debate now pits industrial and political incentives against warnings from former RCAF leaders that a mixed fleet could dilute combat power and strain a tight defense budget.
Canada’s fighter replacement program, long anchored on an order for 88 F-35A Lightning II jets under the Future Fighter Capability Project, has entered a new and politically charged phase, as reported by Newsweek. During a state visit to Ottawa by King Carl XVI Gustaf, Swedish officials and Saab executives pressed a structured proposal to meet part of Canada’s requirement with Gripen E or F aircraft assembled in the country, tied to sizable job-creation and technology transfer promises. According to those familiar with the discussions, the idea of a dual fleet is now being floated just as former Royal Canadian Air Force officers publicly urge Prime Minister Mark Carney’s government not to trim the F-35 buy or introduce a second fighter type that would require separate training, infrastructure, and logistics.
Follow Army Recognition on Google News at this link
Top F-35A Lightning II, bottom JAS 39 Gripen E, the two fighters at the heart of Canada’s current debate. (Picture source: US DoD/Saab)
The industrial dimension is central to the push from Stockholm. Saab is offering not only an assembly line for the Gripen E in Canada, but a full manufacturing center and a research and development facility. Company executives claim this package could create between 9,000 and 10,000 jobs over three to five years, provided Ottawa commits to a substantial order. Canadian officials, however, note the gap between these projections and the Brazilian experience, where Saab’s assembly line employed roughly 200 personnel at its opening. Even so, the proposal appeals to segments of the Canadian aerospace sector, particularly at Bombardier, already a Saab partner on the GlobalEye airborne surveillance aircraft.
Sweden’s pitch is also tied to wider pressures on European defense production. With Kyiv signaling interest in as many as 150 Gripen E aircraft, Swedish officials have hinted that a Canadian line could help address demand. Saab’s leadership has countered that any such facility would require a firm Canadian order, underscoring that technology transfers and a new industrial footprint cannot proceed independently of procurement decisions.
The F-35A Lightning II remains Canada’s reference point for fifth-generation combat aviation. Its low-observable airframe, internal weapons carriage, and advanced sensor suite, including the AN/APG-81 active electronically scanned array radar, distributed electro-optical systems, and electronic warfare architecture, allow the aircraft to gather and fuse large volumes of data while reducing radar exposure. Powered by the Pratt & Whitney F135 engine, delivering around 40,000 pounds of thrust with afterburner, the F-35A offers high maneuverability and, depending on the profile, a combat radius exceeding 1,000 kilometers on internal fuel, enabling broad coverage of Arctic approaches without immediate tanker support.
The fighter’s core strength lies in connectivity. Secure data links provide real-time inputs to a shared Recognized Maritime Picture/Common Operational Picture, which is central to NORAD and NATO air operations. Under strict Emission Control, the F-35A can rely on passive sensors to generate targeting data, guide conventional fighters, and support medium-altitude long-endurance systems while remaining difficult to detect. For the RCAF, this role as a networked operational node remains an argument for completing the full 88-aircraft fleet.
The Gripen E offers a different design philosophy. Classified as a 4.5-generation aircraft, it is built for dispersed operations, short runways, and streamlined maintenance. The General Electric F414G engine provides roughly 22,000 pounds of thrust and solid performance at low altitude. The aircraft’s Raven ES-05 AESA radar, mounted on a swiveling plate, expands the pilot’s field of regard, while the infrared search and track system provides detection options that do not rely on emissions. The airframe supports multiple external hardpoints for fuel tanks and a wide range of air-to-air and precision-guided weapons, at the cost of a higher radar signature than the F-35A.
Saab has recently showcased new capabilities through its “Project Beyond.” Three test flights completed this year integrated the AI agent Centaur, developed by Helsing, into the Gripen E. The system assists the pilot by filtering sensor data, prioritizing threats, and managing mission workload. Saab argues this architecture will allow the Gripen to operate as a collaborative-combat platform alongside drones, external sensors, and future weapons.
The two options do not produce the same effects. An all-F-35 fleet would give the RCAF a coherent capability for first entry into defended airspace, collaborative battle management, and contribution to the Alliance’s information advantage, at the cost of strong dependence on specific stealth infrastructure and on the US support ecosystem. A mixed solution, in which Gripen aircraft would provide additional numbers, would increase patrol density, multiply forward operating bases, and offer a fighter that is easy to turn around in a crisis, especially for air policing and the protection of key sites in the North. However, duplicated training, stockpiles, and support chains would have to be absorbed in a tightening budgetary context.
Ottawa’s decision goes far beyond a simple F-35/Gripen comparison. Keeping the full initial order would extend the choice of a close alignment with the US industrial and strategic system, at a time when relations with the Trump administration are already strained. Opening the door to the Gripen would, on the contrary, deepen cooperation with a Sweden that is now a NATO member, offer new outlets to the Canadian Defense Industry, and potentially contribute to Europe’s rearmament effort, including for Ukraine. Ultimately, the way Canada chooses to allocate its 88 combat aircraft will say a great deal about how it balances alliances, industrial autonomy, and its role in collective security in the North Atlantic region.
